Remember 2

At the end of last week, the U.S. Congress passed an Emergency Supplemental Appropriations bill, more fondly known as the Iraq Supplemental, to extend funding the war in Iraq for another few months.

Regardless of your opinion on the war, Louisianians must remember that this bill included $6.4 billion for Gulf Coast recovery. It delivers the much needed waiver of the Stafford Act, which will release communities from paying a ten percent match to federal recovery dollars. Emergency spending to make up for previous shortfalls is the purpose of Emergency Supplementals. Government spending like fulfilling the federal commitment to the man-made and natural disasters of the hurricanes two summers go is the reason this kind of legislation exists. The President has chosen this funding mechanism to continue to pay for the conflict. Consequently, spending must be renewed in a few months, and this bill marks the first time that Congress has proposed meaningful opposition to our engagement in Iraq.

I was in fifth grade during Operations Desert Storm and Desert Shield. We were taught faithfully by our teachers and relatives the importance of remembering the men and women who sacrifice everything to fight for our country. Due to the brevity of the fight, many of us did not learn firsthand what it meant to honor a soldier’s sacrifice.

I am now past the age of many of those who have fallen in Iraq and Afghanistan. Now we have all been affected, losing family or lovers or close junior high friends from down the block, though in a magnitude different than our parents’ generation during Vietnam. Because of our age, Iraq will nonetheless become a defining period in many of our lives. And through the way both civilians and soldiers in our generation document our lives through Facebook, blogs, or MySpace, we are finding new ways to stand together and mourn our heroes.

For some fallen soldiers, only their MySpace profiles remain, serving as memorials for those left behind. Comment threads display public grief and dreams unfulfilled to be read by anyone. Often the frozen words of the deceased are left untouched to solace the living:

Army Pfc. Johnathon Millican of Trafford, Ala., wrote on his MySpace page before he was killed in Karbala, Iraq: “You don’t have to love the war but you have to love the warrior.”

What is the proper way to honor the memory of a fallen soldier? Americans in our military know that they may not survive, and they are honored to know that they participate in something larger than themselves. Once gone, is unequivocal military success the only way to honor them? Americans in the service trust their commanders and fellow soldiers to protect them in every way possible. War necessitates heroic loyalty. At what point should the people, whose freedom our armed forces were created to protect, demonstrate their loyalty by forging a peace for civilian and soldier alike?

Each honest American reflects on war and memorializes the fallen in their own way. This Memorial Day, avoid focusing on the shortcomings of how others choose to honor our troops. Use today to explore your own memorial, be it inward or outward, and what it might mean for those unwavering heroes who continue serving America to this day.

The State of Louisiana Health Care Reform 10

The proposal to transfer the management of Cenla’s Huey P. Long charity hospital to the LSU Health Sciences Center in Shreveport is a small piece of the complex puzzle that makes up the current debate on reforming Louisiana’s health care delivery system. As ninety percent of referrals from the area public medical center end up in Shreveport, the organizations involved have raised little objection to the deal as long as no jobs or programs are displaced. The hospital is currently managed under the LSU Health Care Services Division, and has long supported training programs for the Tulane School of Medicine.

To become modern health care and teaching facility, the Huey P. Long Medical Center would need to be rebuilt. Money set aside years ago for the reconstruction of the hospital has yet to be used, and this session’s Capital Outlay Budget has made available an additional $50 million, raising the total to $226.2 million. According to CEO Don Smithburg, the LSU Health Care Services Division “has been a good steward of limited resources… I trust Shreveport will continue to carry the baton we have carried for so long.”

The New Orleans LSU/VA Charity Hospital

It is unclear how the move squares with last week’s Public Affairs Research Council report that calls for the creation of

true regional academic medical centers at New Orleans, Baton Rouge, Shreveport and Monroe, which would be kindled by community cooperation, partnerships and affiliations between the public and private sectors… The size of these facilities should be compatible with local demographics and medical care needs, as well as the education and research missions of the medical schools… The other six charity hospitals should be transferred to local control over the next two to five years.

The recommendations of the Public Affairs Research Council have been used by
some to argue against the large-scale reconstruction of a different state hospital, the so-called Big Charity in downtown New Orleans. In spite of those claims, a $1.2 billion business plan for the hospital unanimously cleared committee at the end of last week. It must also face the state House and Senate and the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.

Opponents argue that a large new hospital would drain resources and perpetuate the two-tiered system of Louisiana health care (in which the insured get access to higher quality care in private hospitals than the uninsured). State facilities director Jerry Jones, who will present the plan to the VA on May 29, disagrees: “I wanted the hospital to be able to float itself in terms of being able to pay off those bonds.” A large hospital would be necessary for attracting enough of the insured to finance the medical center.

The Push for Privatization

In their report, the Public Affairs Research Council also called for public funds that are currently paid primarily to state-run charity hospitals to be used to purchase private insurance for the uninsured, who would then be free to seek treatment at public or private hospitals. The report mentions that Louisiana’s charity hospital system is indeed unique, but only because the safety net system is administered at the state level. “In other states, responsibility for most indigent care rests at the county level, with community hospitals and primary care providers delivering care that is nearby and more easily accessible for most patients.”

Earlier this year, the federal Department of Health and Human Services, with the support of Senator Vitter, proposed using state and federal funds to cover 319,000 uninsured Louisianans with private insurance. State Medicaid was not included as an option in the plan. Serious concerns over this program and the numbers used by HHS have been raised, most notably by the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. As the nonpartisan national policy group wrote in a report last month, “the HHS proposal would provide only enough funding to cover half of the state’s uninsured, while eliminating all of the federal funding for the health care safety net that provides care for the uninsured.” The HHS would not allow any extra federal spending on the plan, so any extra expenses would become a sizable burden on the state to the further detriment of the safety net system. Moreover, the federal plan “favors the unregulated health insurance market with a preference for individual rather than group coverage.”

The Public Affairs Research Council suggests keeping redevelopment goals consistent with the conclusions of organizations such as the 40-member volunteer Health Care Redesign Collaborative. The Center on Budget and Policy pointed out that the Bush Administration put pressure on the Collaborative to echo federal support for the HHS plan to redirect $770 million in Medicaid Disproportionate Share Hospital (DSH) dollars to private insurance companies.

Louisiana’s Department of Health and Hospitals (not to be confused with the federal Department of Health and Human Services and the Department of Housing and Urban Development) Secretary Dr. Fred Cerise has refused to put the state in financial risk by signing on to the federal government’s proposal. Louisiana is unlike Massachusetts, where the state-run safety net has recently been replaced by universal state health care. Appearing before the U.S. House Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations last March, Dr. Cerise testified that

if Louisiana were to cover half of its uninsured as optimistically described above, we would end where Massachusetts began just prior to its 2006 reform legislation – about 10% uninsured but without a safety net system of care. As a state with nearly 18 percent uninsured and 45 percent of its population at 200% of the Federal Poverty Level or below, we understand that we must lay the groundwork before we can make such great leaps. The groundwork includes efforts aimed at both insuring more people, and also, very importantly, improving our safety net and the delivery system in general.

Accordingly, the state DHH has suggested expanding the use of DSH funds in a different manner.

DSH Funds

The majority of the uninsured receive care through the state’s system of ten hospitals and more than 250 outpatient clinics run by LSU. This care is reimbursed through a Disproportionate Share Hospital (DSH) funds program, which is a component of Medicaid and exists to support hospitals which carry a disproportionate load of Medicaid and the uninsured. Louisiana receives a seventy percent federal match rate for this money, capped at $1.05 billion for 2007.

Currently, only hospitals are eligible for DSH money, which includes the large system of LSU outpatient clinics. Because of the emphasis on hospitals, a great deal of the money goes to reimburse costly emergency department trips that could have ended up in cheaper (and more sustainable) clinical visits. Moreover, physicians and other medical professionals are currently ineligible to receive DSH funds for caring for the uninsured.

Dr. Cerise has called for a redirection of DSH funds that “will provide great relief by creating a funding mechanism to reimburse physicians for treating the uninsured and by supporting clinics that provide primary and preventive care… and does not require additional funding.” This redirection falls in line with a current plan to establish a network of “medical homes” to care for patients who cannot afford health insurance.

The Medical Home Model

According to Cerise, the Louisiana Health Care Redesign Collaborative concluded that health care must be “patient-centered, quality-driven, sustainable and accessible to all
citizens. The backbone of a redesigned system of care put forward by the Collaborative
is the ‘medical home.’”

The medical home model aims to shift DSH funds away from emergency room care to “improve the efficiency and effectiveness of the health care system and ultimately improve health outcomes.” The proverbial “homes” would operate out of the current network of state hospitals. A primary care provider coordinates and facilitates care appropriate for each patient. The model would serve as “the base from which other needed services are managed and coordinated in order to provide the most effective and efficient care,” and “provide health promotion, disease prevention, health maintenance, behavioral health services, patient education, and diagnosis and treatment of acute and chronic illnesses.”

State Senator Joe McPherson introduced Senate Bill 1 (and SB 238, its funding instrument) to create the Louisiana Health Care Redesign Fund. SB 1 cleared committee with limited concerns over whether health care providers outside of the charity system would be able to fairly compete for DSH funds.

The system of health care delivery in Louisiana was showing signs of wear before Hurricanes Rita and Katrina (and the failure of the Army Corp’s levee system) created a public health nightmare in the region. As Dr. Cerise pointed out in his testimony,

hospitals across the region report seeing a population with more advanced disease than pre- Katrina, more patients without a regular source of care, and even more limited options for discharge and follow-up care in the communities.

The federal plan pushed by the Department of Health and Human Services and U.S. Senator David Vitter to extinguish the safety net for the uninsured and pump public dollars into private insurance companies falls short of covering all individuals and does little to address the need for increased preventative and primary care capacity in the state of Louisiana. State Senator Joe McPherson’s proposal, in line with observations by the state Department of Health and Hospitals and the national Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, focuses on prevention and efficiency in a manner realistic to the current state of Louisiana health care reform.

Please use The Web Portal to the Louisiana State Legislature to stay informed on the progress of legislation during this summer’s session.

Baltimore Sun: Racial Incident Overwhelms Louisiana Town 6

Perhaps the most solid narrative of the recent events in Jena, Louisiana and their implications and context within the community and across the region. Mr. Witt seems to have really done his homework.

Published originally in the Baltimore Sun.

 

By Howard Witt

The trouble in Jena started with the nooses. Then it rumbled along the town’s racial fault lines. Finally, it exploded into months of violence between blacks and whites. Now the 3,000 residents of this small lumber and oil town deep in the heart of central Louisiana are confronting Old South racial demons many thought had long ago been put to rest.

 

One morning last September, students arrived at the local high school to find three hangman’s nooses dangling from a tree in the courtyard. The tree was on the side of the campus that, by long-standing tradition, had always been claimed by white students, who make up more than 80 percent of the 460 students. But a few of the school’s 85 black students had decided to challenge the accepted state of things and asked school administrators whether they, too, could sit in the tree’s shade.

“Sit wherever you want,” school officials told them. The next day, the nooses were hanging from the branches.

African-American students and their parents were outraged and intimidated by the display, which instantly summoned memories of the mob lynchings that once terrorized blacks across the South. Three white students were identified as responsible, and the principal recommended that they be expelled.

“Hanging those nooses was a hate crime, plain and simple,” said Tracy Bowens, a mother of two black students at the high school who protested the incident at a school board meeting.

But Jena’s white school superintendent, Roy Breithaupt, ruled that the nooses were just a youthful stunt and suspended the students for three days, angering blacks who felt harsher punishments were justified.

“Adolescents play pranks,” said Breithaupt, the superintendent of the LaSalle Parish school system. “I don’t think it was a threat against anybody.”

Yet it was after the noose incident that the violent, racially charged events that are still convulsing Jena began.

First, a series of fights between black and white students erupted at the high school. Then, in late November, unknown arsonists set fire to the central wing of the school, causing heavy damage. Off campus, a white youth beat up a black student who showed up at an all-white party. A few days later, another young white man pulled a shotgun on three black students at a convenience store.

Finally, on Dec. 4, a white student was attacked, allegedly by a group of black students, on his way out of the school gymnasium. The victim, supposedly targeted because he was a friend of the students who hung the nooses and had been taunting blacks – was knocked unconscious and kicked after he fell. He was treated briefly at a local hospital and released.

After the attack, LaSalle Parish District Attorney Reed Walters decided to charge six black students with attempted second-degree murder and other offenses, for which they could face a maximum of 100 years in prison if convicted. All six were expelled from school.

To the defendants, their families and civil rights groups that have examined the events, the attempted-murder charges, brought by a white prosecutor, are excessive and part of a pattern of uneven justice in the town.

The critics note, for example, that the white youth who beat the black student at the party was charged only with simple battery, while the white man who pulled the shotgun at the convenience store wasn’t charged with any crime at all. But the three black youths in that incident were arrested and accused of aggravated battery and theft after they wrestled the weapon from the man – in self-defense, they said.

“There’s been obvious racial discrimination in this case,” said Joe Cook, executive director of the Louisiana chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union, who described Jena as a “racial powder keg” primed to ignite. “It appears the black students were singled out and targeted in this case for some unusually harsh treatment.”

That’s how the mother of one of the defendants sees things as well.

“They are sending a message to the white kids: ‘You have committed this hate crime, you were taunting these black children, and we are going to allow you to continue doing what you are doing,’” said Caseptla Bailey, mother of Robert Bailey Jr.

Robert Bailey, 17, is caught up in several of the Jena incidents, as both a victim and alleged perpetrator. He was the black student who was beaten at the party, and he was among the students accused of grabbing the shotgun from the man at the convenience store. And he’s one of the six students charged with attempted murder for the Dec. 4 attack.

The district attorney declined repeated requests to be interviewed for this story. But other white leaders insist that there are no racial tensions in the community, which is 85 percent white and 12 percent black.

“Jena is a place that’s moving in the right direction,” said Mayor Murphy McMillan. “Race is not a major local issue. It’s not a factor in the local people’s lives.”

Still others, however, acknowledge troubling racial undercurrents in a town where 16 years ago white voters cast most of their ballots for David Duke, the former Ku Klux Klan leader who ran for Louisiana governor.

“I’ve lived here most of my life, and the one thing I can state with absolutely no fear of contradiction is that LaSalle Parish is awash in racism – true racism,” a white Pentecostal preacher, Eddie Thompson, wrote in an essay he posted on the Internet. “Here in the piney woods of central Louisiana … racism and bigotry are such a part of life that most of the citizens do not even recognize it.”

The lone black member of the school board agrees.

“There’s no doubt about it – whites and blacks are treated differently here,” said Melvin Worthington, who was the only school board member to vote against expelling the six black students charged in the beating case. “The white kids should have gotten more punishment for hanging those nooses. If they had, all the stuff that followed could have been avoided.”

And the troubles at the high school are not over.

On May 10, police arrested Justin Barker, 17, the white victim of the Dec. 4 beating. He was alleged to have a loaded rifle stashed behind the seat of his pickup truck parked in the school lot. Barker told police he had forgotten it was there and had no intention of using it.

Living Downstream 1

A Saturday Washington Post article detailing the national responsibility for saving Louisiana’s coastline has been shared considerably by state bloggers since the weekend. John M. Barry, who also wrote “Rising Tide” and is secretary for the Southeast Louisiana Flood Protection Authority East, begins “Our Coast to Fix — Or Lose” outlining the geological history of the lower Mississippi River. He then likens the wetlands to melting ice: “The deprivation of sediment is like moving a block of ice from the freezer to the sink, where it begins to melt; the effect of the canals and pipelines is like attacking that ice with an ice pick, breaking it up.” Barry’s main argument is that the nation has enjoyed the benefits of our coast while leaving Louisiana the environmental liability.

Eastern New Orleans (including the lower Ninth Ward) and St. Bernard Parish — nearly all of which, incidentally, is at or above sea level — exemplify this allocation of costs and benefits. Three man-made shipping canals pass through them, creating almost no jobs there but benefiting commerce throughout the country. Yet nearly all the 175,000 people living there saw their homes flooded not because of any natural vulnerability but because of levee breaks.

Barry concludes,

Generating benefits to the nation is what created the problem, and the nation needs to solve it. Put simply: Why should a cab driver in Pittsburgh or Tulsa pay to fix Louisiana’s coast? Because he gets a stronger economy and lower energy costs from it, and because his benefits created the problem. The failure of Congress and the president to act aggressively to repair the coastline at the mouth of the Mississippi River could threaten the economic vitality of the nation. Louisiana, one of the poorest states, can no longer afford to underwrite benefits for the rest of the nation.

The editorial has been picked apart from numerous angles on Louisiana blogs. Tim’s Nameless Blog questions Barry’s claim that “each land mile over which a hurricane travels absorbs roughly a foot of storm surge.” According to Tim, “the best research to date indicates that each mile over land reduces a hurricane storm surge by about 3 inches. And mind you, even this is really not all that conclusive—it could be much less.”
In Moldy City, Bayou St. John David investigates in detail if last December’s offshore revenue sharing legislation provides a share equitable enough to pay for coastal restoration. Oyster at Your Right Hand Thief and commenters on Maitri’s VatulBlog dissect the legitimacy of the national discussion on whether Southern Louisiana even deserves to be rebuilt.

Louisiana’s coastline provides vital shipping and energy for the industry and lifestyle of our nation. Protecting our environment and resources is key to the economy of the entire state. If Senator Barbara Boxer (D-California) can get on board to fight for our wetlands, then it is certainly incumbent upon all of our national delegates and state officials (including lawmakers from Central Louisiana) to work incessantly for the benefit of Southern Louisiana.

For further background, please see the straightforward Times-Picayune presentation on coastal loss and the related series of reports titled, “Last Chance.” (March 4);

Emily Metzgar’s interview with Blanco’s chief coastal adviser Sidney Coffee for her New Day Louisiana Podcasts (March 11);

and Oyster’s discussion of federal commitment to levee protection and coastal reconstruction. The comments to this post are particularly insightful with respect to the oil and gas industries (April 11).

“If you checked all the cars at the high school, you would find a lot more guns.” 4

– Brandon Holley, freshman at Jena High School in Jena, Louisiana; The Town Talk, May 11, 2007.

schoolpicture.jpg

Jena High School in LaSalle Parish has been receiving a significant amount of press lately. First, in September, there was the story of three white students hanging nooses in a tree in front of the high school, which, as KALB reported, ignited already flammable racial tensions in the community.

Two months later, arsonists set the main building of the school afire, causing severe damage.

And then, in December, there was the infamous incident of the Jena Six in which six African-American high school students allegedly beat up one white student and were all subsequently charged with second-degree murder, a charge many believe to be outrageous. Although the white student was admitted to the hospital, he apparently was released only hours later in order to attend a function at the school.

The story of the Jena Six has attracted national attention and, once again, provoked a serious debate about the state of race relations in the small town of Jena, Louisiana. A little less than two weeks ago, King Downing, a national coordinator for the ACLU, flew down from New York City and helped stage a protest advocating for the release of the Jena Six. Downing and Raymond Brown, New Orleans Chairman of Al Sharpton’s National Action Network, have vowed to continue protesting until action is taken by the LaSalle Parish District Attorney.

But the story doesn’t end there. Just this week, the victim of the Jena Six, who was identified as Justin L. Baker, was arrested for a felony weapons charge after a gun was discovered in his car while parked in the school parking lot, a charge that can carry a maximum of five years in prison. Baker is likely to be expelled. After the gun was discovered, a classmate of Mr. Baker’s, Brandon Holley, told The Town Talk, “If you checked all the cars at the high school, you would find a lot more guns.”

I ask, once again, what’s going on in Jena? The Town Talk has been providing a series of great articles on this on-going story, and though I never thought I’d say it, the StoryChat feature offers some much-needed supplementary analysis from people directly involved in this crisis.

It should go without saying: there is absolutely no excuse for any student carrying a gun onto a high school campus, regardless of where they live. School administrators should take the advice of the freshman student and check all cars. His statement indicates that other weapons may be found on campus, and if tension is truly as high as reported, those responsible for the welfare and safety of students should take any and all precautions to ensure safety.

The other questions: Can Jena heal? Who is responsible for exacerbating racial tensions? And what’s next?

Green Lemon Live in Alexandria Reply

greenlemon.jpg

Who: From Colorado (by way of Oklahoma), Green Lemon, brought to you by Gotta Groove Productions. Check out their website by clicking here.

What: Read for yourself:

Green Lemon has been named 2004 New Home Grown Band Of The Year by the Home Grown Music Network, listed as one of the Top Bands To See Live in 2005 by Jambase.com, featured in Relix Magazines On The Verge column, where they were labeled A Band You Should Know About, and more recently, Relix named Green Lemon One of the 10 Summer Star Bands to Watch. They have also been awarded Independent Artist of the Year by Hapi Skratch Entertainment, New Groove of the Month by Jambands.com, and were asked to perform at the winner’s showcase of the 2005 Jam Off in NYC, hosted by the CMJ Music Marathon and Relix Magazine. Several publications such as Spin Magazine, Hittin the Note Magazine, Kyndmusic.com, and Jambase.com have also picked up on the buzz noting Green Lemons national popularity and recognition.

When: May 15, 2007. 8PM. $10 General Admission; $5 for members of the Alexandria Music Project.

Where: The Frosty Factory.

Questions in Dialect LIVE Tonight in Alexandria Reply

Questions in Dialect, a Jackson, Mississippi-based progressive electronic and rock n’ roll band, will be playing a FREE show TONIGHT in Downtown Alexandria at Alex 1805 at 9PM. Alexandria is Question in Dialect’s first stop on a two-month tour, which will take them throughout Texas and California. You can download two of their albums on iTunes. This is how they describe themselves:

QiD. They build their own instruments, play with soundwaves from the sun, jupiter, and the galaxies, and hack old tvs to make home-made oscilloscopes (you can see the soundwaves while you hear them). Soon after tuning your ears to the QiD sound, you won’t be able to listen to music the same way again. It’s an experience. Then again, music is music. And we must remember that art is art. Well, on the other hand water is water isn’t it? And east is east and west is west. And if you take cranberries and stew them like applesause they taste much more like prunes than rubarb does.

Check out their website. I know it’s last minute, but try to make it. It’ll be worth it.

questionsindialect.jpg

The Historic Tale of the Brotherhood of Timber Workers 10

The recent electoral success of Senators James Webb (D-Virginia) and Jon Tester (D-Montana) and the bold rhetoric of reform by presidential and gubernatorial candidates alike demonstrate that economic populism is once again in the national consciousness. In spite of its reputation of being a bastion of reactionary politics, the American South played a crucial role in the history of populism in the United States. In fact, one of the most fascinating episodes of workers overcoming racial barriers to fight for their basic rights took place almost a century ago in and around Central Louisiana.

The first local chapter of the Brotherhood of Timber Workers was formed in late 1910 in Carson, Louisiana. The movement spread quickly across Eastern Texas and Western Louisiana in response to a decade of substandard living conditions, regimented lives, and a lack of job security. A spontaneous general strike (that was quelled everywhere but in DeRidder) in 1907 had radicalized the timber workers of the region against their authoritative and avaricious lumber barons. In June 1911, local representatives met in Alexandria to formalize the Brotherhood of Timber Workers.

The group drafted a moderate constitution that respected the position of their employers and called for a non-violent discussion of the workers’ demands. The union opened membership to women, blacks, and anyone else working in the sawmill industry. The Southern Lumber Operators’ Association responded by labeling the union as socialist anarchists, and began a campaign to crush the union.

Lockouts and blacklists ensued. The popularity of the Brotherhood increased with some early successes, though the winter of 1911-1912 was particularly difficult. The lumber barons imported strikebreakers protected by Pinkerton detectives. By the end of the spring of 1912, 25,000 workers, half of whom were African-American, had become members of the Brotherhood of Timber Workers. As told by Facing South (of the Institute of Southern Studies),

From the very beginning, the Brotherhood organized both black and white workers, a radical move in the post-Reconstruction South marked by racist terror. This went a long way towards defusing company attempts to split workers down race lines, including replacing fired union leaders with black scab labor – despite grinding poverty, black workers largely refused to cross the picket line.

At first white and black workers were organized into segregated “lodges” (multi-racial meetings being, of course, illegal). But at its May 1912 convention, the Brotherhood formally affiliated with the IWW, a move which pushed them further in the direction of racial justice. When legendary Big Bill Haywood found out that black workers were meeting in a separate meeting for the 1912 gathering, he declared:

“You work in the same mills together. Sometimes a black man and a white man chop down the same tree together. You are meeting in convention now to discuss the conditions under which you labor. This can’t be done intelligently by passing resolutions here and then sending them out to another room for the black man to act upon. Why not be sensible about this and call the Negroes into this convention? If it is against the law, this is one times when the law should be broken.”

The union followed Haywood’s advice, nominating a multi-racial slate of delegates to the IWW national convention in Chicago.

Their affiliation with Industrial Workers of the World further radicalized the region’s timber workers, and the lumber barons responded by bringing in more strikebreakers and gunmen. On July 7, 1912, as Brotherhood leader Arthur Lee Emerson addressed a group of nonunion lumbermen in Grabow, Louisiana, shots broke out. Ten minutes later, over 300 bullets had been fired, three men were dead (a fourth would die later), and more than forty were wounded.

Emerson and sixty-four Brotherhood members were arrested, along with three guards and the mill owner. Only the union men were indited.

Laborers Imprisoned in DeRidder after the Grabow Riot

This photo shows union men being served dinner in the Lake Charles jail. The crate reads “DeRidder Steam Railroad.”

The members of the Brotherhood of Timber Workers were eventually acquitted, though the trial effectively bankrupted the organization. The Brotherhood soon launched a massive strike of over a thousand American Lumber Co. loggers in Merryland, Louisiana. The strike was decisively crushed. Though the Brotherhood published a new journal titled The Lumberjack in Alexandria the next year, the brutal tactics of the lumber barons had all but destroyed the organization. Some historians attribute the downfall of the Brotherhood to its alignment with the Industrial Workers of the World. At any rate, by 1916 the Brotherhood of Timber Workers in Louisiana and Texas was nowhere to be found.

For more historic photos of Beauregard Parish, please visit www.rootsweb.com/~labeaure/PhotoAlbum.htm.

* edited from the original post

Join the Historical Association of Central Louisiana 1

Today’s Town Talk features an interview with Charles Charrier, the President of the Historical Association of Central Louisiana, whose passion for the preservation of our historical properties has undoubtedly spared many buildings from the irreversible destruction of the wrecking ball, including, most recently the old Cotton Brothers building on Bolton Avenue and Mt. Shiloh Church in Downtown Alexandria. Mr. Charrier, along with Paul Smith, JoBetty Sterkx, Buddy Tudor, Mike Jenkins, and many others, has remained faithfully committed to the twin causes of downtown revitalization and historic preservation. In the interview, he offers a lucid explanation for the necessity of historic preservation:

Q: Why should citizens care about historical preservation?

A: Let me answer this question with a question: If you or I were required to attend a formal function where national, state and local dignitaries would be present, would we wear our shabbiest clothes? Would we not take great pains to put on our “Sunday best” and to attend to our grooming so that we would be suitably attired and prepared for such an event? Why not have that same attitude when it comes to preserving our historic buildings? A few historic downtown buildings are restored and shining. However, a quick cursory tour of downtown Alexandria leaves much to be desired in looking our best when we invite state and national dignitaries to our town. Isn’t it time for us as citizens to think positively about what can and should be done downtown and to renew our commitment to our historic buildings in our downtown? Why you ask? The condition of our historic buildings are good barometers of our civic pride and how we feel about ourselves as a city. Other cities in this state have undertaken with great success to preserve and to revitalize their downtown areas. They are finding a new sense of place and a new sense of civic pride engulfing their communities. In the Civil War, Alexandria survived the complete destruction of our city. Strong families with indomitable spirits rose to the challenge of rebuilding Alexandria. At this juncture and time in our city’s history, that same indomitable spirit of former Alexandrians should propel us into action as a matter of civic pride to revitalize our downtown. Tourist dollars, a renewed sense of who we are, and a boon to Alexandria’s economy will result in the action we take now to revitalize downtown.

Mr. Charrier’s call to action is infectious. Let’s follow Mr. Charrier’s lead. To join the Historical Association of Central Louisiana, you can call (318) 448-3952 or send an e-mail to: HistAssoc@aol.com.

Rapides Parish currently has 71 properties on the National Registry of Historic Places, 35 of which are located within the Alexandria City Limits. It’s a staggering and impressive number, something of which we can all be proud, and it is the direct result of the work of people like Charles Charrier and Paul Smith.

To read the entire interview between Cynthia Jardon and Charles Charrier, click here.

Michele Godard Interviews Emily Metzgar Reply

Emily Metzgar, former columnist for the Shreveport Times and one of Louisiana’s most well-known bloggers, recently drove down to Alexandria for an interview with KALB’s Michele Godard. Metzgar answers questions about the role of Louisiana State political blogs in shaping the news, the responsibilities of blog ownership, and the proliferation of Louisiana blogs in the wake of Hurricane Katrina.

Click here to watch Part One of the interview, posted on KALB’s Video Blog.

Click here to watch Part Two of the interview.

Sweetheart Deal? Army Corps of Engineers and the New Orleans Pumps Fiasco 1

In case you missed it, the Army Corps of Engineers is in hot water over the way they handled the bid process for reconstructing drainage pumps in New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina. An excerpt from the Associated Press:

When the Army Corps of Engineers solicited bids for drainage pumps for New Orleans, it copied the specifications — typos and all — from the catalog of the manufacturer that ultimately won the $32 million contract, a review of documents found.

The pumps, supplied by Moving Water Industries Corp. of Deerfield Beach, Fla., and installed before the start of the 2006 storm season, proved to be defective. The matter is under investigation by the Government Accountability Office, the investigative arm of Congress.

In a letter dated April 13, Sen. David Vitter, R-La., called on the Corps to look into how the politically connected company got the post-Hurricane Katrina contract. MWI employed former Florida Gov. Jeb Bush, President Bush’s brother, to market its pumps during the 1980s, and top MWI officials have been major contributors to the Republican Party.

While it may not be a violation of federal regulations to adopt a company’s technical specifications, it is frowned on, especially for large jobs like the MWI contract, because it could give the impression the job was rigged for the benefit of a certain company, contractors familiar with Corps practices say.

Let’s review: The bid process was flawed because the specifications were plagiarized. The pumps are defective. The brother of President Bush, Jeb Bush, once worked for the company who was awarded the contract.

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This Wednesday, AMP and Alex 1805 Present Blues Sensation Davis Coen Reply

This Wednesday, the Alexandria Music Project and Alex 1805 present blues sensation Davis Coen, live in downtown Alexandria. Tickets are $5 at the door, and the show starts at 8PM.

Davis’s new single has been atop XM radio’s Bluesville station for the last three consecutive weeks. Davis is stopping by Alexandria, while en route to New Orleans for a performance at JazzFest.

Check out Davis’s website.

This is yet another great opportunity to see a world-class musician right here in Alexandria. We may be getting them on Wednesday nights, but hey, at least we’re getting them.

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